The protests that filled the streets of Mozambique during the 2024 general elections involved an unusually diverse cross-section of society and exposed deep vulnerabilities in the exercise of state authority. This is the main conclusion of an analysis by the Observatório do Meio Rural (OMR), published on Wednesday (June 11).
In ten pages, the document outlines the profile of the protests, describing broad-based participation across society — from farmers and students to civil servants, unemployed youth, and residents of Maputo’s affluent neighborhoods. “Various groups took part in the demonstrations, weighing the risks and relying on their available resources and capital, reflecting the country’s diversity,” the OMR notes.
In a still-recent but striking scenario, the study reports that poorly educated youth working in the informal sector formed the most visible core of the uprising. These individuals, in many neighborhoods, blocked roads, confronted police, and looted shops. The mobilization also reached university students, who initiated the so-called “panelaços” — banging pots and pans — from their dorm windows, a symbolic act that quickly spread to other urban areas. “Secondary and high school students did not remain on the sidelines, with instances of final exam boycotts and spontaneous marches involving children in school uniforms supporting the opposition candidate,” the report states.
Women played an active role, participating in protest marches, roadblocks, and logistical support — such as preparing food for demonstrators. “Videos circulating online show several marches involving women; the more police violence increased, the more women assumed new roles on the ground,” the document describes. The public sector also joined the movement. Workers from health, education, and justice — once considered strongholds of Frelimo — joined the protests with threats of strikes and symbolic acts of civil disobedience. “In December, members of the UIR (Rapid Intervention Unit) were even reported to have clashed among themselves, in a climate of internal tension that undermined the chain of command,” the OMR highlights.
Another notable element was the participation of the urban middle class. In neighborhoods like Sommerschield and Coop, residents took to the streets with pots, signs, and black shirts, echoing slogans spread via social media. Shopkeepers in downtown Maputo — many of them Muslim — closed their businesses in mourning. In some ministries, employees reportedly placed posters supporting Venâncio Mondlane on government transport buses.
The protests were not confined to urban areas. In rural regions, farmers and artisanal miners also made their voices heard. In places like Montepuez and Manica, mining concessions were invaded — a manifestation of frustration that had been brewing for years.
“The collapse of state authority was such that even PRM (Mozambican police) officers were filmed singing the national anthem with protesters or joining in the ‘panelaços’,” the analysis points out.
The report concludes with a warning: the country is facing a crisis of legitimacy, where dissatisfaction extends to institutions and the very architecture of power. The OMR warns that without effective political dialogue and structural responses to social issues, the risk of future unrest remains high.
Text: Felisberto Ruco
